BookTV: Hitting the CSPAN

RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, read Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

There are plenty of differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.
RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, read Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

There are plenty of differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.
RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, this web Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, more about has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

There are plenty of differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.

Photo courtesy of Rachel B. Doyle
RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, read Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

There are plenty of differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.
RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, this web Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, more about has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

There are plenty of differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.

Photo courtesy of Rachel B. Doyle
RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, internist Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, neurologist has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, cough in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

There are plenty of differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.

Photo courtesy of Rachel B. Doyle
RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, read Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

There are plenty of differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.
RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, this web Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, more about has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

There are plenty of differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.

Photo courtesy of Rachel B. Doyle
RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, internist Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, neurologist has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, cough in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

There are plenty of differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.

Photo courtesy of Rachel B. Doyle
RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, ed Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, dosage has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

Rwanda is grappling with some of the same questions of how a nation comes to terms with such an unfathomable catastrophe and the presence of countless perpetrators plowing the fields or working at the corner store. As the Allies learned after World War II, it’s impossible to lock up half a country. People would starve. It took Germany decades to come to terms with their collective guilt and begin to actively commemorate and vigorously prosecute. With Tutsis in top leadership positions from President Paul Kagame down that hasn’t been the issue in Rwanda.

There are plenty of other differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.

Photo courtesy of Rachel B. Doyle
RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, read Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

There are plenty of differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.
RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, this web Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, more about has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

There are plenty of differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.

Photo courtesy of Rachel B. Doyle
RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, internist Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, neurologist has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, cough in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

There are plenty of differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.

Photo courtesy of Rachel B. Doyle
RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, ed Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, dosage has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

Rwanda is grappling with some of the same questions of how a nation comes to terms with such an unfathomable catastrophe and the presence of countless perpetrators plowing the fields or working at the corner store. As the Allies learned after World War II, it’s impossible to lock up half a country. People would starve. It took Germany decades to come to terms with their collective guilt and begin to actively commemorate and vigorously prosecute. With Tutsis in top leadership positions from President Paul Kagame down that hasn’t been the issue in Rwanda.

There are plenty of other differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.

Photo courtesy of Rachel B. Doyle
RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, stomatology Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

Rwanda is grappling with some of the same questions of how a nation comes to terms with such an unfathomable catastrophe and the presence of countless perpetrators plowing the fields or working at the corner store. As the Allies learned after World War II, it’s impossible to lock up half a country. People would starve. It took Germany decades to come to terms with their collective guilt and begin to actively commemorate and vigorously prosecute. With Tutsis in top leadership positions from President Paul Kagame down that hasn’t been the issue in Rwanda.

There are plenty of other differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.

Photo courtesy of Rachel B. Doyle
RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, read Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

There are plenty of differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.
RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, this web Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, more about has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

There are plenty of differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.

Photo courtesy of Rachel B. Doyle
RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, internist Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, neurologist has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, cough in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

There are plenty of differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.

Photo courtesy of Rachel B. Doyle
RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, ed Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, dosage has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

Rwanda is grappling with some of the same questions of how a nation comes to terms with such an unfathomable catastrophe and the presence of countless perpetrators plowing the fields or working at the corner store. As the Allies learned after World War II, it’s impossible to lock up half a country. People would starve. It took Germany decades to come to terms with their collective guilt and begin to actively commemorate and vigorously prosecute. With Tutsis in top leadership positions from President Paul Kagame down that hasn’t been the issue in Rwanda.

There are plenty of other differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.

Photo courtesy of Rachel B. Doyle
RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, stomatology Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

Rwanda is grappling with some of the same questions of how a nation comes to terms with such an unfathomable catastrophe and the presence of countless perpetrators plowing the fields or working at the corner store. As the Allies learned after World War II, it’s impossible to lock up half a country. People would starve. It took Germany decades to come to terms with their collective guilt and begin to actively commemorate and vigorously prosecute. With Tutsis in top leadership positions from President Paul Kagame down that hasn’t been the issue in Rwanda.

There are plenty of other differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.

Photo courtesy of Rachel B. Doyle

“Haunting, no rx doggedly researched.”

— Kirkus Reviews

“A fascinating read. This is a tale of police procedural, hemophilia in an era
before computers and databases, disease of those
hunting the worst humans this world had to offer.”

— Seattle Post-Intelligencer

From the New York Times reporters who first uncovered S.S. officer Aribert Heim’s secret life in Egypt comes the never-before-told story of the most hunted Nazi war criminal in the world.

Dr. Aribert Heim worked at the Mauthausen concentration camp for only a few months in 1941 but left a devastating mark. According to the testimony of survivors, Heim euthanized patients with injections of gasoline into their hearts. He performed surgeries on otherwise healthy people. Some recalled prisoners’ skulls set out on his desk to display perfect sets of teeth. Yet in the chaos of the postwar period, Heim was able to slip away from his dark past and establish himself as a reputable doctor and family man in the resort town of Baden-Baden. His story might have ended there, but for certain rare Germans who were unwilling to let Nazi war criminals go unpunished, among them a police investigator named Alfred Aedtner. After Heim fled on a tip that he was about to be arrested, Aedtner turned finding him into an overriding obsession. His quest took him across Europe and across decades, and into a close alliance with legendary Nazi hunter Simon Wiesenthal. The hunt for Heim became a powerful symbol of Germany’s evolving attitude toward the sins of its past, which finally crested in a desire to see justice done at almost any cost.

As late as 2009, the mystery of Heim’s disappearance remained unsolved. Now, in The Eternal Nazi, Nicholas Kulish and Souad Mekhennet reveal for the first time how Aribert Heim evaded capture–living in a working-class neighborhood of Cairo, praying in Arabic, beloved by an adopted Muslim family–while inspiring a manhunt that outlived him by many years. It is a brilliant feat of historical detection that illuminates a nation’s dramatic reckoning with the crimes of the Holocaust.

“He was hardly as famous as Josef Mengele, but Aribert Heim was every bit as vicious. And, like Mengele, this doctor-torturer-murderer eluded his hunters until the very end. The Eternal Nazi finally reconstructs Heim’s dark odyssey—from his sadistic practices in Mauthausen to his life in hiding as a convert to Islam in Cairo. Part detective story, part meditation on how family loyalties obstructed those seeking justice, this book is a remarkable achievement.”

Andrew Nagorski, author of Hitlerland: American Eyewitnesses to the Nazi Rise to Power

“With exacting detail and a rich cast of characters, The Eternal Nazi chronicles the feverish, zigzagging hunt for the barbarous Dr. Heim. A journalistic masterpiece and a thrilling read.”

Neal Bascomb, author of Hunting Eichmann

“This is a deeply reported, fascinating tale of obsession and the heavy burden of family and national guilt. Nick Kulish and Souad Mekhennet take us on a gripping search for the handsome Nazi doctor who became one of the world’s most elusive war criminals.”

Evan Thomas, author of Ike’s Bluff

“Aribert Heim’s chilling story as a free man in Egypt made me wonder what was more appalling: his heinous activity as an SS doctor, or the fact that like most former Nazis he was never punished for his crimes. Thoroughly investigated and written in riveting style, this is a fascinating and thought provoking book.”

Tom Segev, author of Simon Wiesenthal: The Life and Legends


cover_185.jpg

“[A] steady flow of Yossarian-flavored absurdity.”

— Publishers Weekly

“Compelling…Uses humor to illuminate the deadly absurdities of war…
a deft command of tone—from the slapstick to the tragic.”

— Kirkus Reviews

Jimmy Stephens makes the worst mistake of his career as a gossip columnist when he wrongly accuses a big star of cheating on his wife. Lawsuits are pending, and Jimmy’s imperious new editor blackmails him into taking the place of the paper’s only front-line war correspondent. Shipped off to the desert and embedded with a group of foul-mouthed but fraternal Marines, Jimmy provides a bewildered but unfiltered view of the invasion of Iraq that is alternately hair-raising, hilarious, and heartbreaking.

“As someone who donned a gasmask and tried but failed to embed with the U.S. Marines in Kuwait, I can say with gusto that Nicholas Kulish gets it exactly right: The high-testosterone, the needless WMD fears, the ineluctable forward drive of the whole ill-conceived operation. Kulish’s funny, engaging novel makes clear that the gargantuan mess we’ve made in Iraq all started with an impressionable and largely incompetent reporting corps who saw the invasion not as a tragic mistake but as a rollicking good adventure.”

Hampton Sides, bestselling author of Blood and Thunder and Ghost Soldiers

Last One In is a war story told with wit and sympathy. Sharply written and instantly engaging, it is a very funny book that is part of a distinctive literary tradition: the grunt’s comedy. Like Shakespeare’s Pistol or the Good Soldier Svejk, Last One In is embedded down with the grunts—the grunts of the media as well as the military—down where politics and ideology are less important than surviving.”

Arthur Phillips, author of Prague and The Egyptologist

“Like Tim O’Brien’s Going After Cacciato or David O. Russell’s film Three Kings, Nicholas Kulish’s witty, fast-paced and sympathetic novel set at the beginning of the war in Iraq brings home both the terror and the absurdity of combat in a way that nonfiction rarely can.”

Adam Langer, author of Crossing California and The Washington Story

Last One In hits on the kind of truth everyone should hear: The emotional truth. At times absurd, funny, and frightening, it is at all times unforgettable. The characters and descriptions are so vivid, I feel like I’ve spent time in a Humvee with four marines heading for Baghdad.”

Paulina Porizkova, author of A Model Summer

RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, read Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

There are plenty of differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.
RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, this web Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, more about has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

There are plenty of differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.

Photo courtesy of Rachel B. Doyle
RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, internist Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, neurologist has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, cough in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

There are plenty of differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.

Photo courtesy of Rachel B. Doyle
RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, ed Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, dosage has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

Rwanda is grappling with some of the same questions of how a nation comes to terms with such an unfathomable catastrophe and the presence of countless perpetrators plowing the fields or working at the corner store. As the Allies learned after World War II, it’s impossible to lock up half a country. People would starve. It took Germany decades to come to terms with their collective guilt and begin to actively commemorate and vigorously prosecute. With Tutsis in top leadership positions from President Paul Kagame down that hasn’t been the issue in Rwanda.

There are plenty of other differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.

Photo courtesy of Rachel B. Doyle
RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, stomatology Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

Rwanda is grappling with some of the same questions of how a nation comes to terms with such an unfathomable catastrophe and the presence of countless perpetrators plowing the fields or working at the corner store. As the Allies learned after World War II, it’s impossible to lock up half a country. People would starve. It took Germany decades to come to terms with their collective guilt and begin to actively commemorate and vigorously prosecute. With Tutsis in top leadership positions from President Paul Kagame down that hasn’t been the issue in Rwanda.

There are plenty of other differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.

Photo courtesy of Rachel B. Doyle

“Haunting, no rx doggedly researched.”

— Kirkus Reviews

“A fascinating read. This is a tale of police procedural, hemophilia in an era
before computers and databases, disease of those
hunting the worst humans this world had to offer.”

— Seattle Post-Intelligencer

From the New York Times reporters who first uncovered S.S. officer Aribert Heim’s secret life in Egypt comes the never-before-told story of the most hunted Nazi war criminal in the world.

Dr. Aribert Heim worked at the Mauthausen concentration camp for only a few months in 1941 but left a devastating mark. According to the testimony of survivors, Heim euthanized patients with injections of gasoline into their hearts. He performed surgeries on otherwise healthy people. Some recalled prisoners’ skulls set out on his desk to display perfect sets of teeth. Yet in the chaos of the postwar period, Heim was able to slip away from his dark past and establish himself as a reputable doctor and family man in the resort town of Baden-Baden. His story might have ended there, but for certain rare Germans who were unwilling to let Nazi war criminals go unpunished, among them a police investigator named Alfred Aedtner. After Heim fled on a tip that he was about to be arrested, Aedtner turned finding him into an overriding obsession. His quest took him across Europe and across decades, and into a close alliance with legendary Nazi hunter Simon Wiesenthal. The hunt for Heim became a powerful symbol of Germany’s evolving attitude toward the sins of its past, which finally crested in a desire to see justice done at almost any cost.

As late as 2009, the mystery of Heim’s disappearance remained unsolved. Now, in The Eternal Nazi, Nicholas Kulish and Souad Mekhennet reveal for the first time how Aribert Heim evaded capture–living in a working-class neighborhood of Cairo, praying in Arabic, beloved by an adopted Muslim family–while inspiring a manhunt that outlived him by many years. It is a brilliant feat of historical detection that illuminates a nation’s dramatic reckoning with the crimes of the Holocaust.

“He was hardly as famous as Josef Mengele, but Aribert Heim was every bit as vicious. And, like Mengele, this doctor-torturer-murderer eluded his hunters until the very end. The Eternal Nazi finally reconstructs Heim’s dark odyssey—from his sadistic practices in Mauthausen to his life in hiding as a convert to Islam in Cairo. Part detective story, part meditation on how family loyalties obstructed those seeking justice, this book is a remarkable achievement.”

Andrew Nagorski, author of Hitlerland: American Eyewitnesses to the Nazi Rise to Power

“With exacting detail and a rich cast of characters, The Eternal Nazi chronicles the feverish, zigzagging hunt for the barbarous Dr. Heim. A journalistic masterpiece and a thrilling read.”

Neal Bascomb, author of Hunting Eichmann

“This is a deeply reported, fascinating tale of obsession and the heavy burden of family and national guilt. Nick Kulish and Souad Mekhennet take us on a gripping search for the handsome Nazi doctor who became one of the world’s most elusive war criminals.”

Evan Thomas, author of Ike’s Bluff

“Aribert Heim’s chilling story as a free man in Egypt made me wonder what was more appalling: his heinous activity as an SS doctor, or the fact that like most former Nazis he was never punished for his crimes. Thoroughly investigated and written in riveting style, this is a fascinating and thought provoking book.”

Tom Segev, author of Simon Wiesenthal: The Life and Legends


cover_185.jpg

“[A] steady flow of Yossarian-flavored absurdity.”

— Publishers Weekly

“Compelling…Uses humor to illuminate the deadly absurdities of war…
a deft command of tone—from the slapstick to the tragic.”

— Kirkus Reviews

Jimmy Stephens makes the worst mistake of his career as a gossip columnist when he wrongly accuses a big star of cheating on his wife. Lawsuits are pending, and Jimmy’s imperious new editor blackmails him into taking the place of the paper’s only front-line war correspondent. Shipped off to the desert and embedded with a group of foul-mouthed but fraternal Marines, Jimmy provides a bewildered but unfiltered view of the invasion of Iraq that is alternately hair-raising, hilarious, and heartbreaking.

“As someone who donned a gasmask and tried but failed to embed with the U.S. Marines in Kuwait, I can say with gusto that Nicholas Kulish gets it exactly right: The high-testosterone, the needless WMD fears, the ineluctable forward drive of the whole ill-conceived operation. Kulish’s funny, engaging novel makes clear that the gargantuan mess we’ve made in Iraq all started with an impressionable and largely incompetent reporting corps who saw the invasion not as a tragic mistake but as a rollicking good adventure.”

Hampton Sides, bestselling author of Blood and Thunder and Ghost Soldiers

Last One In is a war story told with wit and sympathy. Sharply written and instantly engaging, it is a very funny book that is part of a distinctive literary tradition: the grunt’s comedy. Like Shakespeare’s Pistol or the Good Soldier Svejk, Last One In is embedded down with the grunts—the grunts of the media as well as the military—down where politics and ideology are less important than surviving.”

Arthur Phillips, author of Prague and The Egyptologist

“Like Tim O’Brien’s Going After Cacciato or David O. Russell’s film Three Kings, Nicholas Kulish’s witty, fast-paced and sympathetic novel set at the beginning of the war in Iraq brings home both the terror and the absurdity of combat in a way that nonfiction rarely can.”

Adam Langer, author of Crossing California and The Washington Story

Last One In hits on the kind of truth everyone should hear: The emotional truth. At times absurd, funny, and frightening, it is at all times unforgettable. The characters and descriptions are so vivid, I feel like I’ve spent time in a Humvee with four marines heading for Baghdad.”

Paulina Porizkova, author of A Model Summer

“Haunting, treatment doggedly researched.”

— Kirkus Reviews

“A fascinating read. This is a tale of police procedural, steroids in an era
before computers and databases, urticaria of those
hunting the worst humans this world had to offer.”

— Seattle Post-Intelligencer

From the New York Times reporters who first uncovered S.S. officer Aribert Heim’s secret life in Egypt comes the never-before-told story of the most hunted Nazi war criminal in the world.

Dr. Aribert Heim worked at the Mauthausen concentration camp for only a few months in 1941 but left a devastating mark. According to the testimony of survivors, Heim euthanized patients with injections of gasoline into their hearts. He performed surgeries on otherwise healthy people. Some recalled prisoners’ skulls set out on his desk to display perfect sets of teeth. Yet in the chaos of the postwar period, Heim was able to slip away from his dark past and establish himself as a reputable doctor and family man in the resort town of Baden-Baden. His story might have ended there, but for certain rare Germans who were unwilling to let Nazi war criminals go unpunished, among them a police investigator named Alfred Aedtner. After Heim fled on a tip that he was about to be arrested, Aedtner turned finding him into an overriding obsession. His quest took him across Europe and across decades, and into a close alliance with legendary Nazi hunter Simon Wiesenthal. The hunt for Heim became a powerful symbol of Germany’s evolving attitude toward the sins of its past, which finally crested in a desire to see justice done at almost any cost.

As late as 2009, the mystery of Heim’s disappearance remained unsolved. Now, in The Eternal Nazi, Nicholas Kulish and Souad Mekhennet reveal for the first time how Aribert Heim evaded capture–living in a working-class neighborhood of Cairo, praying in Arabic, beloved by an adopted Muslim family–while inspiring a manhunt that outlived him by many years. It is a brilliant feat of historical detection that illuminates a nation’s dramatic reckoning with the crimes of the Holocaust.

“He was hardly as famous as Josef Mengele, but Aribert Heim was every bit as vicious. And, like Mengele, this doctor-torturer-murderer eluded his hunters until the very end. The Eternal Nazi finally reconstructs Heim’s dark odyssey—from his sadistic practices in Mauthausen to his life in hiding as a convert to Islam in Cairo. Part detective story, part meditation on how family loyalties obstructed those seeking justice, this book is a remarkable achievement.”

Andrew Nagorski, author of Hitlerland: American Eyewitnesses to the Nazi Rise to Power

“With exacting detail and a rich cast of characters, The Eternal Nazi chronicles the feverish, zigzagging hunt for the barbarous Dr. Heim. A journalistic masterpiece and a thrilling read.”

Neal Bascomb, author of Hunting Eichmann

“This is a deeply reported, fascinating tale of obsession and the heavy burden of family and national guilt. Nick Kulish and Souad Mekhennet take us on a gripping search for the handsome Nazi doctor who became one of the world’s most elusive war criminals.”

Evan Thomas, author of Ike’s Bluff

“Aribert Heim’s chilling story as a free man in Egypt made me wonder what was more appalling: his heinous activity as an SS doctor, or the fact that like most former Nazis he was never punished for his crimes. Thoroughly investigated and written in riveting style, this is a fascinating and thought provoking book.”

Tom Segev, author of Simon Wiesenthal: The Life and Legends


cover_185.jpg

“[A] steady flow of Yossarian-flavored absurdity.”

— Publishers Weekly

“Compelling…Uses humor to illuminate the deadly absurdities of war…
a deft command of tone—from the slapstick to the tragic.”

— Kirkus Reviews

Jimmy Stephens makes the worst mistake of his career as a gossip columnist when he wrongly accuses a big star of cheating on his wife. Lawsuits are pending, and Jimmy’s imperious new editor blackmails him into taking the place of the paper’s only front-line war correspondent. Shipped off to the desert and embedded with a group of foul-mouthed but fraternal Marines, Jimmy provides a bewildered but unfiltered view of the invasion of Iraq that is alternately hair-raising, hilarious, and heartbreaking.

“As someone who donned a gasmask and tried but failed to embed with the U.S. Marines in Kuwait, I can say with gusto that Nicholas Kulish gets it exactly right: The high-testosterone, the needless WMD fears, the ineluctable forward drive of the whole ill-conceived operation. Kulish’s funny, engaging novel makes clear that the gargantuan mess we’ve made in Iraq all started with an impressionable and largely incompetent reporting corps who saw the invasion not as a tragic mistake but as a rollicking good adventure.”

Hampton Sides, bestselling author of Blood and Thunder and Ghost Soldiers

Last One In is a war story told with wit and sympathy. Sharply written and instantly engaging, it is a very funny book that is part of a distinctive literary tradition: the grunt’s comedy. Like Shakespeare’s Pistol or the Good Soldier Svejk, Last One In is embedded down with the grunts—the grunts of the media as well as the military—down where politics and ideology are less important than surviving.”

Arthur Phillips, author of Prague and The Egyptologist

“Like Tim O’Brien’s Going After Cacciato or David O. Russell’s film Three Kings, Nicholas Kulish’s witty, fast-paced and sympathetic novel set at the beginning of the war in Iraq brings home both the terror and the absurdity of combat in a way that nonfiction rarely can.”

Adam Langer, author of Crossing California and The Washington Story

Last One In hits on the kind of truth everyone should hear: The emotional truth. At times absurd, funny, and frightening, it is at all times unforgettable. The characters and descriptions are so vivid, I feel like I’ve spent time in a Humvee with four marines heading for Baghdad.”

Paulina Porizkova, author of A Model Summer

RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, read Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

There are plenty of differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.
RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, this web Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, more about has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

There are plenty of differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.

Photo courtesy of Rachel B. Doyle
RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, internist Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, neurologist has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, cough in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

There are plenty of differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.

Photo courtesy of Rachel B. Doyle
RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, ed Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, dosage has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

Rwanda is grappling with some of the same questions of how a nation comes to terms with such an unfathomable catastrophe and the presence of countless perpetrators plowing the fields or working at the corner store. As the Allies learned after World War II, it’s impossible to lock up half a country. People would starve. It took Germany decades to come to terms with their collective guilt and begin to actively commemorate and vigorously prosecute. With Tutsis in top leadership positions from President Paul Kagame down that hasn’t been the issue in Rwanda.

There are plenty of other differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.

Photo courtesy of Rachel B. Doyle
RachelRwanda2

My colleague in Nairobi, stomatology Sudarsan Raghavan of the Washington Post, has an engaging piece about the ongoing search for justice in Rwanda. The small central African nation observed the 20th anniversary of the genocide this week, in which at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus (many put the figure well over a million) were killed in short order, often by friends and neighbors.

“In our lifetime we shall continue to pursue them, and those who come after us will continue to pursue them,” Jean Bosco Mutangana, a Rwandan prosecutor and head of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit told Raghavan. “You cannot have reconciliation without real, true justice being done.”

The unit works out of adjacent homes in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. Reading about their work – and Rwandan society’s halting efforts to come to terms with the genocide – reminded me so much of Germany in the 1960s. The equivalent of the Genocide Fugitive Tracking Unit, the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, was founded at the end of 1958. A small, dedicated team of prosecutors and police hunted perpetrators but ran into resistance from society at large, as well as colleagues with ties to the National Socialists.

Rwanda is grappling with some of the same questions of how a nation comes to terms with such an unfathomable catastrophe and the presence of countless perpetrators plowing the fields or working at the corner store. As the Allies learned after World War II, it’s impossible to lock up half a country. People would starve. It took Germany decades to come to terms with their collective guilt and begin to actively commemorate and vigorously prosecute. With Tutsis in top leadership positions from President Paul Kagame down that hasn’t been the issue in Rwanda.

There are plenty of other differences as well. For lower-level offenders, even those who committed multiple murders, local tribunals known as gacaca courts have been used that are closer to truth and reconciliation tribunals than criminal prosecutions. Many killers live side-by-side with their victims. Some have become friends – AP’s Jason Straziuo movingly describes a woman who became friends with a man who cut off her hand with a machete – but many more live unhappily and uneasily beside the people who killed their families.

For those who haven’t been, Rwanda is a small country of verdant terraced hills. It’s a bit like if you photoshopped and filtered Tuscany until you made it so beautiful it verged on otherworldly. It is clean and orderly – Kigali has none of the chaos and congestion of Nairobi – but there’s an underlying tension. People fear losing control.

The government is betting that, again like Germany, its own economic miracle will keep a lid on tensions, as I reported earlier this month. So far it’s worked. Rising living standards help but few people want to see a return to the dark days of April 1994.

Photo courtesy of Rachel B. Doyle

“Haunting, no rx doggedly researched.”

— Kirkus Reviews

“A fascinating read. This is a tale of police procedural, hemophilia in an era
before computers and databases, disease of those
hunting the worst humans this world had to offer.”

— Seattle Post-Intelligencer

From the New York Times reporters who first uncovered S.S. officer Aribert Heim’s secret life in Egypt comes the never-before-told story of the most hunted Nazi war criminal in the world.

Dr. Aribert Heim worked at the Mauthausen concentration camp for only a few months in 1941 but left a devastating mark. According to the testimony of survivors, Heim euthanized patients with injections of gasoline into their hearts. He performed surgeries on otherwise healthy people. Some recalled prisoners’ skulls set out on his desk to display perfect sets of teeth. Yet in the chaos of the postwar period, Heim was able to slip away from his dark past and establish himself as a reputable doctor and family man in the resort town of Baden-Baden. His story might have ended there, but for certain rare Germans who were unwilling to let Nazi war criminals go unpunished, among them a police investigator named Alfred Aedtner. After Heim fled on a tip that he was about to be arrested, Aedtner turned finding him into an overriding obsession. His quest took him across Europe and across decades, and into a close alliance with legendary Nazi hunter Simon Wiesenthal. The hunt for Heim became a powerful symbol of Germany’s evolving attitude toward the sins of its past, which finally crested in a desire to see justice done at almost any cost.

As late as 2009, the mystery of Heim’s disappearance remained unsolved. Now, in The Eternal Nazi, Nicholas Kulish and Souad Mekhennet reveal for the first time how Aribert Heim evaded capture–living in a working-class neighborhood of Cairo, praying in Arabic, beloved by an adopted Muslim family–while inspiring a manhunt that outlived him by many years. It is a brilliant feat of historical detection that illuminates a nation’s dramatic reckoning with the crimes of the Holocaust.

“He was hardly as famous as Josef Mengele, but Aribert Heim was every bit as vicious. And, like Mengele, this doctor-torturer-murderer eluded his hunters until the very end. The Eternal Nazi finally reconstructs Heim’s dark odyssey—from his sadistic practices in Mauthausen to his life in hiding as a convert to Islam in Cairo. Part detective story, part meditation on how family loyalties obstructed those seeking justice, this book is a remarkable achievement.”

Andrew Nagorski, author of Hitlerland: American Eyewitnesses to the Nazi Rise to Power

“With exacting detail and a rich cast of characters, The Eternal Nazi chronicles the feverish, zigzagging hunt for the barbarous Dr. Heim. A journalistic masterpiece and a thrilling read.”

Neal Bascomb, author of Hunting Eichmann

“This is a deeply reported, fascinating tale of obsession and the heavy burden of family and national guilt. Nick Kulish and Souad Mekhennet take us on a gripping search for the handsome Nazi doctor who became one of the world’s most elusive war criminals.”

Evan Thomas, author of Ike’s Bluff

“Aribert Heim’s chilling story as a free man in Egypt made me wonder what was more appalling: his heinous activity as an SS doctor, or the fact that like most former Nazis he was never punished for his crimes. Thoroughly investigated and written in riveting style, this is a fascinating and thought provoking book.”

Tom Segev, author of Simon Wiesenthal: The Life and Legends


cover_185.jpg

“[A] steady flow of Yossarian-flavored absurdity.”

— Publishers Weekly

“Compelling…Uses humor to illuminate the deadly absurdities of war…
a deft command of tone—from the slapstick to the tragic.”

— Kirkus Reviews

Jimmy Stephens makes the worst mistake of his career as a gossip columnist when he wrongly accuses a big star of cheating on his wife. Lawsuits are pending, and Jimmy’s imperious new editor blackmails him into taking the place of the paper’s only front-line war correspondent. Shipped off to the desert and embedded with a group of foul-mouthed but fraternal Marines, Jimmy provides a bewildered but unfiltered view of the invasion of Iraq that is alternately hair-raising, hilarious, and heartbreaking.

“As someone who donned a gasmask and tried but failed to embed with the U.S. Marines in Kuwait, I can say with gusto that Nicholas Kulish gets it exactly right: The high-testosterone, the needless WMD fears, the ineluctable forward drive of the whole ill-conceived operation. Kulish’s funny, engaging novel makes clear that the gargantuan mess we’ve made in Iraq all started with an impressionable and largely incompetent reporting corps who saw the invasion not as a tragic mistake but as a rollicking good adventure.”

Hampton Sides, bestselling author of Blood and Thunder and Ghost Soldiers

Last One In is a war story told with wit and sympathy. Sharply written and instantly engaging, it is a very funny book that is part of a distinctive literary tradition: the grunt’s comedy. Like Shakespeare’s Pistol or the Good Soldier Svejk, Last One In is embedded down with the grunts—the grunts of the media as well as the military—down where politics and ideology are less important than surviving.”

Arthur Phillips, author of Prague and The Egyptologist

“Like Tim O’Brien’s Going After Cacciato or David O. Russell’s film Three Kings, Nicholas Kulish’s witty, fast-paced and sympathetic novel set at the beginning of the war in Iraq brings home both the terror and the absurdity of combat in a way that nonfiction rarely can.”

Adam Langer, author of Crossing California and The Washington Story

Last One In hits on the kind of truth everyone should hear: The emotional truth. At times absurd, funny, and frightening, it is at all times unforgettable. The characters and descriptions are so vivid, I feel like I’ve spent time in a Humvee with four marines heading for Baghdad.”

Paulina Porizkova, author of A Model Summer

“Haunting, treatment doggedly researched.”

— Kirkus Reviews

“A fascinating read. This is a tale of police procedural, steroids in an era
before computers and databases, urticaria of those
hunting the worst humans this world had to offer.”

— Seattle Post-Intelligencer

From the New York Times reporters who first uncovered S.S. officer Aribert Heim’s secret life in Egypt comes the never-before-told story of the most hunted Nazi war criminal in the world.

Dr. Aribert Heim worked at the Mauthausen concentration camp for only a few months in 1941 but left a devastating mark. According to the testimony of survivors, Heim euthanized patients with injections of gasoline into their hearts. He performed surgeries on otherwise healthy people. Some recalled prisoners’ skulls set out on his desk to display perfect sets of teeth. Yet in the chaos of the postwar period, Heim was able to slip away from his dark past and establish himself as a reputable doctor and family man in the resort town of Baden-Baden. His story might have ended there, but for certain rare Germans who were unwilling to let Nazi war criminals go unpunished, among them a police investigator named Alfred Aedtner. After Heim fled on a tip that he was about to be arrested, Aedtner turned finding him into an overriding obsession. His quest took him across Europe and across decades, and into a close alliance with legendary Nazi hunter Simon Wiesenthal. The hunt for Heim became a powerful symbol of Germany’s evolving attitude toward the sins of its past, which finally crested in a desire to see justice done at almost any cost.

As late as 2009, the mystery of Heim’s disappearance remained unsolved. Now, in The Eternal Nazi, Nicholas Kulish and Souad Mekhennet reveal for the first time how Aribert Heim evaded capture–living in a working-class neighborhood of Cairo, praying in Arabic, beloved by an adopted Muslim family–while inspiring a manhunt that outlived him by many years. It is a brilliant feat of historical detection that illuminates a nation’s dramatic reckoning with the crimes of the Holocaust.

“He was hardly as famous as Josef Mengele, but Aribert Heim was every bit as vicious. And, like Mengele, this doctor-torturer-murderer eluded his hunters until the very end. The Eternal Nazi finally reconstructs Heim’s dark odyssey—from his sadistic practices in Mauthausen to his life in hiding as a convert to Islam in Cairo. Part detective story, part meditation on how family loyalties obstructed those seeking justice, this book is a remarkable achievement.”

Andrew Nagorski, author of Hitlerland: American Eyewitnesses to the Nazi Rise to Power

“With exacting detail and a rich cast of characters, The Eternal Nazi chronicles the feverish, zigzagging hunt for the barbarous Dr. Heim. A journalistic masterpiece and a thrilling read.”

Neal Bascomb, author of Hunting Eichmann

“This is a deeply reported, fascinating tale of obsession and the heavy burden of family and national guilt. Nick Kulish and Souad Mekhennet take us on a gripping search for the handsome Nazi doctor who became one of the world’s most elusive war criminals.”

Evan Thomas, author of Ike’s Bluff

“Aribert Heim’s chilling story as a free man in Egypt made me wonder what was more appalling: his heinous activity as an SS doctor, or the fact that like most former Nazis he was never punished for his crimes. Thoroughly investigated and written in riveting style, this is a fascinating and thought provoking book.”

Tom Segev, author of Simon Wiesenthal: The Life and Legends


cover_185.jpg

“[A] steady flow of Yossarian-flavored absurdity.”

— Publishers Weekly

“Compelling…Uses humor to illuminate the deadly absurdities of war…
a deft command of tone—from the slapstick to the tragic.”

— Kirkus Reviews

Jimmy Stephens makes the worst mistake of his career as a gossip columnist when he wrongly accuses a big star of cheating on his wife. Lawsuits are pending, and Jimmy’s imperious new editor blackmails him into taking the place of the paper’s only front-line war correspondent. Shipped off to the desert and embedded with a group of foul-mouthed but fraternal Marines, Jimmy provides a bewildered but unfiltered view of the invasion of Iraq that is alternately hair-raising, hilarious, and heartbreaking.

“As someone who donned a gasmask and tried but failed to embed with the U.S. Marines in Kuwait, I can say with gusto that Nicholas Kulish gets it exactly right: The high-testosterone, the needless WMD fears, the ineluctable forward drive of the whole ill-conceived operation. Kulish’s funny, engaging novel makes clear that the gargantuan mess we’ve made in Iraq all started with an impressionable and largely incompetent reporting corps who saw the invasion not as a tragic mistake but as a rollicking good adventure.”

Hampton Sides, bestselling author of Blood and Thunder and Ghost Soldiers

Last One In is a war story told with wit and sympathy. Sharply written and instantly engaging, it is a very funny book that is part of a distinctive literary tradition: the grunt’s comedy. Like Shakespeare’s Pistol or the Good Soldier Svejk, Last One In is embedded down with the grunts—the grunts of the media as well as the military—down where politics and ideology are less important than surviving.”

Arthur Phillips, author of Prague and The Egyptologist

“Like Tim O’Brien’s Going After Cacciato or David O. Russell’s film Three Kings, Nicholas Kulish’s witty, fast-paced and sympathetic novel set at the beginning of the war in Iraq brings home both the terror and the absurdity of combat in a way that nonfiction rarely can.”

Adam Langer, author of Crossing California and The Washington Story

Last One In hits on the kind of truth everyone should hear: The emotional truth. At times absurd, funny, and frightening, it is at all times unforgettable. The characters and descriptions are so vivid, I feel like I’ve spent time in a Humvee with four marines heading for Baghdad.”

Paulina Porizkova, author of A Model Summer

“Haunting, treatment doggedly researched.”

— Kirkus Reviews

“A fascinating read. This is a tale of police procedural, steroids in an era
before computers and databases, urticaria of those
hunting the worst humans this world had to offer.”

— Seattle Post-Intelligencer

From the New York Times reporters who first uncovered S.S. officer Aribert Heim’s secret life in Egypt comes the never-before-told story of the most hunted Nazi war criminal in the world.

Dr. Aribert Heim worked at the Mauthausen concentration camp for only a few months in 1941 but left a devastating mark. According to the testimony of survivors, Heim euthanized patients with injections of gasoline into their hearts. He performed surgeries on otherwise healthy people. Some recalled prisoners’ skulls set out on his desk to display perfect sets of teeth. Yet in the chaos of the postwar period, Heim was able to slip away from his dark past and establish himself as a reputable doctor and family man in the resort town of Baden-Baden. His story might have ended there, but for certain rare Germans who were unwilling to let Nazi war criminals go unpunished, among them a police investigator named Alfred Aedtner. After Heim fled on a tip that he was about to be arrested, Aedtner turned finding him into an overriding obsession. His quest took him across Europe and across decades, and into a close alliance with legendary Nazi hunter Simon Wiesenthal. The hunt for Heim became a powerful symbol of Germany’s evolving attitude toward the sins of its past, which finally crested in a desire to see justice done at almost any cost.

As late as 2009, the mystery of Heim’s disappearance remained unsolved. Now, in The Eternal Nazi, Nicholas Kulish and Souad Mekhennet reveal for the first time how Aribert Heim evaded capture–living in a working-class neighborhood of Cairo, praying in Arabic, beloved by an adopted Muslim family–while inspiring a manhunt that outlived him by many years. It is a brilliant feat of historical detection that illuminates a nation’s dramatic reckoning with the crimes of the Holocaust.

“He was hardly as famous as Josef Mengele, but Aribert Heim was every bit as vicious. And, like Mengele, this doctor-torturer-murderer eluded his hunters until the very end. The Eternal Nazi finally reconstructs Heim’s dark odyssey—from his sadistic practices in Mauthausen to his life in hiding as a convert to Islam in Cairo. Part detective story, part meditation on how family loyalties obstructed those seeking justice, this book is a remarkable achievement.”

Andrew Nagorski, author of Hitlerland: American Eyewitnesses to the Nazi Rise to Power

“With exacting detail and a rich cast of characters, The Eternal Nazi chronicles the feverish, zigzagging hunt for the barbarous Dr. Heim. A journalistic masterpiece and a thrilling read.”

Neal Bascomb, author of Hunting Eichmann

“This is a deeply reported, fascinating tale of obsession and the heavy burden of family and national guilt. Nick Kulish and Souad Mekhennet take us on a gripping search for the handsome Nazi doctor who became one of the world’s most elusive war criminals.”

Evan Thomas, author of Ike’s Bluff

“Aribert Heim’s chilling story as a free man in Egypt made me wonder what was more appalling: his heinous activity as an SS doctor, or the fact that like most former Nazis he was never punished for his crimes. Thoroughly investigated and written in riveting style, this is a fascinating and thought provoking book.”

Tom Segev, author of Simon Wiesenthal: The Life and Legends


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“[A] steady flow of Yossarian-flavored absurdity.”

— Publishers Weekly

“Compelling…Uses humor to illuminate the deadly absurdities of war…
a deft command of tone—from the slapstick to the tragic.”

— Kirkus Reviews

Jimmy Stephens makes the worst mistake of his career as a gossip columnist when he wrongly accuses a big star of cheating on his wife. Lawsuits are pending, and Jimmy’s imperious new editor blackmails him into taking the place of the paper’s only front-line war correspondent. Shipped off to the desert and embedded with a group of foul-mouthed but fraternal Marines, Jimmy provides a bewildered but unfiltered view of the invasion of Iraq that is alternately hair-raising, hilarious, and heartbreaking.

“As someone who donned a gasmask and tried but failed to embed with the U.S. Marines in Kuwait, I can say with gusto that Nicholas Kulish gets it exactly right: The high-testosterone, the needless WMD fears, the ineluctable forward drive of the whole ill-conceived operation. Kulish’s funny, engaging novel makes clear that the gargantuan mess we’ve made in Iraq all started with an impressionable and largely incompetent reporting corps who saw the invasion not as a tragic mistake but as a rollicking good adventure.”

Hampton Sides, bestselling author of Blood and Thunder and Ghost Soldiers

Last One In is a war story told with wit and sympathy. Sharply written and instantly engaging, it is a very funny book that is part of a distinctive literary tradition: the grunt’s comedy. Like Shakespeare’s Pistol or the Good Soldier Svejk, Last One In is embedded down with the grunts—the grunts of the media as well as the military—down where politics and ideology are less important than surviving.”

Arthur Phillips, author of Prague and The Egyptologist

“Like Tim O’Brien’s Going After Cacciato or David O. Russell’s film Three Kings, Nicholas Kulish’s witty, fast-paced and sympathetic novel set at the beginning of the war in Iraq brings home both the terror and the absurdity of combat in a way that nonfiction rarely can.”

Adam Langer, author of Crossing California and The Washington Story

Last One In hits on the kind of truth everyone should hear: The emotional truth. At times absurd, funny, and frightening, it is at all times unforgettable. The characters and descriptions are so vivid, I feel like I’ve spent time in a Humvee with four marines heading for Baghdad.”

Paulina Porizkova, author of A Model Summer

C-SPAN2

Thanks to BookTV, advice CSPAN and Johns Hopkins SAIS.

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